I am not well pleased with either Charles or Scott, as I would have otherwise missed this Ross Douthat emanation entirely.
Nertz. Nertz, I say. Nertz.
I'll only discuss the weird Irish shit in Douthat's column; the rest of it is likewise awful, but see those other two persons for that.
Then there is the specific case of Ireland, which has maintained a
near-absolute abortion ban throughout its history. This ban does not
mean that no Irish women obtain legal abortions: some go abroad for
them, to Britain or Continental Europe. But that actually makes the
comparison to Texas more apt — because even if abortion were somehow
banned outright in Texas tomorrow, it would still be available to women
with the resources to travel out of state.
This is stupid.
The "resources" needed for a woman to travel from pretty much anywhere in Ireland in order to obtain an abortion, to a place where that is permitted, namely Britain -- these are not remotely comparable to the "resources" needed for a woman anywhere in a zero-abortion Texas to obtain one in a place where such a procedure is permitted.
To confirm the validity of this analysis, I refer any interested parties to a widely available resource known as a "map."
Also. Even poor Irish women can get to England inexpensively, and there is a large and longstanding Irish community in every major English city. Every Irish person has relatives living in England. Poor Texas women are far less likely to go to Oklahoma and find a non-judgmental family networked place to crash.
Indeed, Irish opponents of their abortion "ban" have long pointed out this hypocrisy. Abortion is easily obtainable for Irish women. You just have to go next door. And everybody knows this. So why not maintain the abortion ban -- you're not going to impact any actual choices for any actual women! And you'll still be all angelic!
Of course sometimes that goes pear-shaped, but whatever.
So if liberal fears about the Texas legislation’s impact are correct,
one would expect the Irish ban to have produced obvious, disastrous side
effects. At the very least, one would expect Ireland to lag in female
mortality, health and economic advancement.
Again: the Irish ban is from any statistical point of view meaningless, because Irish women can, and do, take a boat train.
Maternal health is indeed a fraught topic in Ireland. The abortion
debate there has mostly revolved around how to interpret the “life of
the mother” exception, and the high-profile case of Savita Halappanavar,
an Indian immigrant who died unnecessarily during a miscarriage,
recently prompted the Irish Parliament to widen that exception.
But there is little evidence that the Halappanavar tragedy reflects a
larger trend. Ireland’s maternal health outcomes have long looked much better
than those of its neighbors, and even a recent report that produced a
higher estimate for maternal mortality still placed the country well
within the European norm.
The reason "the Halappanavar tragedy" was so tragic was that it forced the Irish medical, cultural, and political establishments to finally confront their cowardly offshoring of the abortion question in all its complexity. A woman died because of Irish moral cowardice.
Meanwhile, international rankings offer few indications that Ireland’s
abortion laws are holding Irish women back. The country ranks first for
gender parity in health care in a recent European Union index. It was in
the middle of the pack in The Economist’s recent “glass-ceiling index” for working women. It came in fifth out of 135 countries in the World Economic Forum’s “Global Gender Gap” report. (The United States was 22nd.)
Again, that's not relevant -- actually, because Ireland has so effectively and easily offshored its abortion debate, maybe that's made it easier for Irish women to make progress, because that fight is effectively off the table? It's possible.
The short answer to Ross fucking Douthat is that Ireland's abortion laws have quite little to do with how Irish women view, and practice, abortion.